Women’s rights in Poland: where are we now? An interview with Marta Malinowska

In the last few years, and in particular since the Law and Justice presidency, women’s rights in Poland have faced unprecedented setbacks. While Poland’s new government, led by Donald Tusk and the Civic Platform, was elected in 2023 with the support of young and progressive voters, especially women, concrete change has remained elusive. As institutional paralysis persists, civil society and grassroots movements have become the front line of support and resistance. 

To discuss about these topics we reached Marta Malinowska: based in Łódź, she is a lawyer and art historian, as well as a technical coordinator at Women’s Studies Centre at the University of Łódź and collaborator at Women on Web, a Canadian non-profit organization that aims to increase access to safe abortion worldwide.

In 2015, the right-wing populist party Law and Justice came to power, and in 2020, it passed new legislation that effectively introduced a ban on abortion in Poland. What were the main consequences for women?

First of all, I feel it’s my responsibility to highlight something very important—something even women in Poland are often unaware of. From a legal standpoint, self-managed abortion is not a crime. What is illegal is performing an abortion on another person or assisting them in doing so, and this has been the case since the 1990s.

There used to be only three legal exceptions, under which abortion could be performed in a hospital: if the pregnancy endangered the woman’s life or health, if it was the result of a crime, or in cases of severe fetal abnormalities. The 2020 change was significant because it removed the third exception—cases of a high probability of severe and irreversible fetal impairment or an incurable condition threatening the fetus. This exception had functioned as a kind of safety valve for women seeking abortions in hospital settings.

Once this provision was declared unconstitutional, many doctors began refusing to perform any abortions for fear of criminal liability. The consequences were twofold: first, abortion procedures were effectively paralyzed, even in cases where the woman’s health or life was at risk. Second, abortion has always been a class issue in Poland, and tightening the law has disproportionately harmed the most vulnerable: the poor, financially dependent women, and those from dysfunctional families.

Aside from the abortion issue, how have women’s rights evolved in recent years? What are the main challenges facing women?

I think it depends on which group of women we’re talking about.

For those who voted for the ruling party, some measures were certainly welcomed—such as the ”grandmother’s allowance”, introduced on October 1, 2024. Under this regulation, parents of children aged 1 to 3 can apply for a payment of PLN 1,500. Families can choose between three support options: ”Active Parents at Work”, ”Active in Nursery,” or “Active at Home”.

However, from a feminist point of view, this measure deepens gender inequality. Women are once again expected to take on caregiving roles—this time for their grandchildren, which often forces them into early retirement. Meanwhile, there’s no significant investment in new nurseries, and existing ones are either too expensive or lack available places. As a result, many women remain professionally inactive, with limited career development and reduced financial independence. In Poland, pensions are often not enough for women to live on independently.

On a more positive note, there’s been a degree of psychological relief. People feel reassured knowing the current government is no longer under the influence of the Church, Ordo Iuris, or other ultra-conservative groups. That said, we’re still in a kind of limbo, waiting to see the outcome of the presidential election. The government may not be actively worsening the situation for women, but real legislative changes still need to be approved by the President, who remains a representative of the far right.

In 2023, parliamentary elections brought former Prime Minister Donald Tusk and the centre-right Civic Platform back to power. What was the party’s position on women’s rights and abortion during the campaign?

Civic Platform never clearly stated its stance. The issue of abortion was never explicitly included in their official platform, and it’s commonly known that the party has yet to form a unified position. Many Civic Platform politicians support a return to the so-called “compromise”—a ban on abortion, with three exceptions.

More than a year after the elections, civil society organisations are pushing the government to act on its promises. What has been done, and what remains to be done? What are the main obstacles to lifting the abortion ban?

In my opinion, nothing meaningful has been done. And I genuinely believe—as do most of my colleagues working in abortion support—that nothing will be done, especially nothing that would improve the situation compared to pre-2015.

So far, only superficial measures have been taken, such as publishing abortion guidelines. These guidelines merely interpret the current law, focusing on procedures for legal abortions and doctors’ responsibilities. The Minister of Health and Civic Platform called it a success, but in reality, nothing has changed—the guidelines are just an interpretation, not new legislation. Moreover, the government had no hand in drafting them; they were prepared by NGOs fighting for reproductive rights.

The main problem is that the Civic Coalition (which includes Civic Platform, Poland 2050, the Polish People’s Party, and the New Left)—the only majority capable of passing new laws—doesn’t truly support any liberalisation of abortion law.

Still, civil society hasn’t stood. In March 2025, the NGO Abortion Dream Team opened an ”abortion centre;” in Warsaw to offer a safe space for consultations. What kind of support can women access in Poland, even without legal reforms?

This is, in a way, a tragic example—not because of the initiative itself, which is amazing—but because of the lack of institutional support and even sabotage.

The abortion centre ”ABO TAK” has been under constant attack by anti-choice groups like Ordo Iuris, even when it’s closed. They block the entrance, create noise with megaphones and vuvuzelas, and prevent people from entering. The police haven’t intervened since day one—and it’s already been a month. This place should be protected. These women are doing the work the state refuses to do.

As for available support, it depends on the stage of pregnancy. In the first trimester, it’s fairly straightforward: you can fill out an online consultation with an organisation like Women on Web, which sends abortion pills by mail. International NGOs ship hundreds of packages to Poland every month, offering help regardless of the person’s financial situation.

Later in pregnancy, it’s a bit more complicated. But contrary to what many Polish politicians claim, both second- and third-trimester abortions are possible, safe, and effective. In such cases, the Abortion Dream Team can help organise surgical abortions abroad, and sometimes they can cover the costs as well.

How do you see this issue evolving in the coming years? Is there any real chance for change?

That’s a philosophical question, and the answer depends on whether you’re optimistic or pessimistic about this government.

I wish I could say there’s a real chance, but that would probably be unjustifiably optimistic. Right now, I don’t see any political alternative with enough momentum to challenge the status quo. So maybe the only reasonable thing is to keep believing there is a chance. I still place my hope in women’s movements, NGOs, and our shared solidarity.

Francesca Pengo is a Master’s Student in the Specialised Master’s in EU Interdisciplinary Studies